THE POLITICAL *ERS.
Until they left Perm Nekhludoff only twice managed to see Katusha, once in Nijni, before the *ers were embarked on a barge surrounded with a wire netting, and again in Perm in the * office. At both these interviews he found her reserved and unkind. She answered his questions as to whether she was in want of anything, and whether she was comfortable, evasively and bashfully, and, as he thought, with the same feeling of hostile reproach which she had shown several times before. Her depressed state of mind, which was only the result of the molestations from the men that she was undergoing at the time, tormented Nekhludoff. He feared lest, influenced by the hard and degrading circumstances in which she was placed on the journey, she should again get into that state of despair and discord with her own self which formerly made her irritable with him, and which had caused her to drink and smoke excessively to gain oblivion. But he was unable to help her in any way during this part of the journey, as it was impossible for him to be with her. It was only when she joined the political *ers that he saw how unfounded his fears were, and at each interview he noticed that inner change he so strongly desired to see in her becoming more and more marked. The first time they met in Tomsk she was again just as she had been when leaving Moscow. She did not frown or become confused when she saw him, but met him joyfully and simply, thanking him for what he had done for her, especially for bringing her among the people with whom she now was.
After two months' marching with the gang, the change that had taken place within her became noticeable in her appearance. She grew sunburned and thinner, and seemed older; wrinkles appeared on her temples and round her mouth. She had no ringlets on her forehead now, and her hair was covered with the kerchief; in the way it was arranged, as well as in her dress and her manners, there was no trace of coquetry left. And this change, which had taken place and was still progressing in her, made Nekhludoff very happy.
He felt for her something he had never experienced before. This feeling had nothing in common with his first poetic love for her, and even less with the sensual love that had followed, nor even with the satisfaction of a duty fulfilled, not unmixed with self-admiration, with which he decided to marry her after the trial. The present feeling was simply one of pity and tenderness. He had felt it when he met her in * for the first time, and then again when, after conquering his repugnance, he forgave her the imagined intrigue with the medical assistant in the hospital (the injustice done her had since been discovered); it was the same feeling he now had, only with this difference, that formerly it was momentary, and that now it had become permanent. Whatever he was doing, whatever he was thinking now, a feeling of pity and tenderness dwelt with him, and not only pity and tenderness for her, but for everybody. This feeling seemed to have opened the floodgates of love, which had found no outlet in Nekhludoff's soul, and the love now flowed out to every one he met.
During this journey Nekhludoff's feelings were so stimulated that he could not help being attentive and considerate to everybody, from the coachman and the convoy soldiers to the * inspectors and governors whom he had to deal with. Now that Maslova was among the political *ers, Nekhludoff could not help becoming acquainted with many of them, first in Ekaterinburg, where they had a good deal of freedom and were kept altogether in a large cell, and then on the road when Maslova was marching with three of the men and four of the women. Coming in contact with political exiles in this way made Nekhludoff completely change his mind concerning them.
From the very beginning of the revolutionary movement in Russia, but especially since that first of March, when Alexander II was murdered, Nekhludoff regarded the revolutionists with dislike and contempt. He was repulsed by the cruelty and secrecy of the methods they employed in their struggles against the government, especially the cruel murders they committed, and their arrogance also disgusted him. But having learned more intimately to know them and all they had suffered at the hands of the government, he saw that they could not be other than they were.
Terrible and endless as were the torments which were inflicted on the criminals, there was at least some semblance of justice shown them before and after they were sentenced, but in the case of the political *ers there was not even that semblance, as Nekhludoff saw in the case of Sholostova and that of many and many of his new acquaintances. These people were dealt with like fish caught with a net; everything that gets into the nets is pulled ashore, and then the big fish which are required are sorted out and the little ones are left to perish unheeded on the shore. Having captured hundreds that were evidently guiltless, and that could not be dangerous to the government, they left them im*ed for years, where they became consumptive, went out of their minds or committed suicide, and kept them only because they had no inducement to set them free, while they might be of use to elucidate some question at a judicial inquiry, safe in *. The fate of these persons, often innocent even from the government point of view, depended on the whim, the humour of, or the amount of leisure at the disposal of some police officer or spy, or public prosecutor, or magistrate, or governor, or minister. Some one of these officials feels dull, or inclined to distinguish himself, and makes a number of arrests, and im*s or sets free, according to his own fancy or that of the higher authorities. And the higher official, actuated by like motives, according to whether he is inclined to distinguish himself, or to what his relations to the minister are, exiles men to the other side of the world or keeps them in solitary confinement, condemns them to Siberia, to hard labour, to death, or sets them free at the request of some lady.
They were dealt with as in war, and they naturally employed the means that were used against them. And as the military men live in an atmosphere of public opinion that not only conceals from them the guilt of their actions, but sets these actions up as feats of heroism, so these political offenders were also constantly surrounded by an atmosphere of public opinion which made the cruel actions they committed, in the face of danger and at the risk of liberty and life, and all that is dear to men, seem not wicked but glorious actions. Nekhludoff found in this the explanation of the surprising phenomenon that men, with the mildest characters, who seemed incapable of witnessing the sufferings of any living creature, much less of inflicting pain, quietly prepared to murder men, nearly all of them considering murder lawful and just on certain occasions as a means for self-defence, for the attainment of higher aims or for the general welfare.
The importance they attribute to their cause, and consequently to themselves, flowed naturally from the importance the government attached to their actions, and the cruelty of the punishments it inflicted on them. When Nekhludoff came to know them better he became convinced that they were not the right-down villains that some imagined them to be, nor the complete heroes that others thought them, but ordinary people, just the same as others, among whom there were some good and some bad, and some mediocre, as there are everywhere.
There were some among them who had turned revolutionists because they honestly considered it their duty to fight the existing evils, but there were also those who chose this work for selfish, ambitious motives; the majority, however, was attracted to the revolutionary idea by the desire for danger, for risks, the enjoyment of playing with one's life, which, as Nekhludoff knew from his military experiences, is quite common to the most ordinary people while they are young and full of energy. But wherein they differed from ordinary people was that their moral standard was a higher one than that of ordinary men. They considered not only self-control, hard living, truthfulness, but also the readiness to sacrifice everything, even life, for the common welfare as their duty. Therefore the best among them stood on a moral level that is not often reached, while the worst were far below the ordinary level, many of them being untruthful, hypocritical and at the same time self-satisfied and proud. So that Nekhludoff learned not only to respect but to love some of his new acquaintances, while he remained more than indifferent to others.
从下城到彼尔姆这段路上，聂赫留朵夫同玛丝洛娃只见过两次面：一次在下城，在犯人们坐上装有铁丝网的驳船以前；另一次是在彼尔姆的*办公室。这两次见面，他发现玛丝洛娃沉默寡言，态度冷淡。聂赫留朵夫问她身一体怎样，需要不需要什么东西，她回答时支支吾吾，神色慌张，而且他觉得还带有一种责备的意思，那是以前也有过的。这种一陰一郁的情绪是由于她遭到了男人的纠缠才出现的，它使聂赫留朵夫感到很烦恼。他担心一路上处在艰苦的条件和一婬一猥的气氛下，她又会自暴自弃，对生活感到绝望，借烟酒麻醉自己，并对他产生恼恨。但他又无法帮助她，因为在旅途的最初阶段，他一直没有机会同她见面。直到玛丝洛娃调到政治犯队伍后，他才相信自己的忧虑毫无根据。不仅如此，聂赫留朵夫每次看见她，都越来越清楚地看到她内心的变化，而那正好是他所渴望的。在托木斯克第一次见面时，她又变得同出发前一样。她看见他，不皱眉头，也不窘迫，相反，还高高兴兴、神态自若地迎接他，感谢他为她出的力，特别是把她调到她目前所处的人们中间来。
经过两个月的长途跋涉，她内心的变化在外表上也反映出来。她变得又瘦又黑，似乎见老了；两鬓和嘴角出现了皱纹，她包上一块头巾，不再让一绺头发飘落到额上。装束也罢，发型也罢，待人接物的态度也罢，再也没有原先那种卖弄风情的味道了。她这种已经发生和还在继续发生的变化使聂赫留朵夫感到特别高兴。
现在他对她产生了另一种感情。这种感情不同于最初诗意洋溢的迷恋，更不同于后来肉一体的魅惑，甚至也不同于法庭判决后他决心同她结婚，来履行责任和满足虚荣心的那种心情。他现在纯粹是怜悯和同情她，就象第一次在*里同她见面时那样。他去过医院以后，竭力克制对她的嫌恶，原谅她同医士的所谓暧一昧关系（后来知道她是受冤枉的），这种感情曾变得更加强烈。其实这是同一种感情，唯一的区别只在于那时是暂时的，现在却是经常的。现在，他不论想什么事，做什么事，总是满怀怜悯和同情，不仅对她一人，而且对一切人。
这种感情打开了聂赫留朵夫心灵的闸门，使原先找不到出路的一爱一的洪流滚滚向前，奔向他所遇见的一切人。
聂赫留朵夫觉得自己在这次旅行中一直情绪昂扬，他不由自主地关心和体贴一切人，从马车夫和押解兵起，直到他与之打过一交一道的典狱长和省长。
在这段时间里，由于玛丝洛娃调到政治犯队伍，聂赫留朵夫就有机会接触许多政治犯，先是在政治犯自一由地同住一个大牢房的叶卡捷琳堡①，后来是在路上又认识了同玛丝洛娃一起走的五个男犯和四个女犯。聂赫留朵夫同流放的政治犯接近后，对他们的看法完全变了。
自从俄国革命运动②开始以来，特别是在三月一日事件③以后，聂赫留朵夫对革命者一直没有好感，总是抱着蔑视的态度。他对他们没有好感，首先因为他们采用残酷和秘密的手段反对政一府，尤其是采用惨无人道的暗杀，其次因为他们都有一种自命不凡的优越感。通过同他们的接触，他才知道他们常常遭到政一府莫须有的迫害，他们这样做是迫不得已的。
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①西伯利亚城市，原是帝俄罪犯流放的地区，现名斯维尔德洛夫斯克。
②指十九世纪六、七十年代俄国民粹派的革命运动。
③见本书第297页注。
不管一般所谓刑事犯遭到多么残酷的折磨，在判刑之前和判刑之后，对待他们多少还讲一点法律。可是对待政治犯，往往连法律的影子都见不到，就象聂赫留朵夫所看到的舒斯托娃一案和后来认识的许多新朋友的案件那样。当局对付他们就象用大网捕鱼：凡是落网的统统拖到岸上，然后拣出他们所需要的大鱼。至于那些小鱼，就无人过问，被弃在岸上活活干死。当局就是这样逮捕了几百名显然没有犯罪而且不可能危害政一府的人，把他们送进*，一关几年，使他们在狱中得了痨病，发了疯，或者自一杀而死。他们所以一直被关在牢里，仅仅是因为缺乏释放的理由，再说，把他们关在就近*里也便于提审，可以随时要他们就某个问题作证。这些人即使从政一府观点来看也是无罪的，但他们的命运却取决于宪兵队长、警官、密探、检察官、法官、省长和大臣等人的脾气、他们的忙闲和情绪。这些官僚往往由于闲得无聊或者存心表功，大肆逮捕，然后根据他们的心情或者上司的情绪，把逮捕的人投入*或者释放。至于更高的上级长官，那也要看他有没有立功的要求，或者同大臣的关系如何，才能决定把被捕人员流放到天涯海角，还是关进单身牢房，或者判处流放、苦役、死刑。但只要有个贵夫人来求情，他们就可以获得释放。
人家用暴力对付他们，他们自然也只能用同样手段还击。军人通常总是受社会舆论的影响，把他们的血腥罪行掩盖起来，还说是立了不朽的功勋。同样，政治犯总是受到他们一团一体舆论的影响，他们冒着丧失自一由、生命和人世一切宝贵东西的危险，开展残酷的活动。在他们看来，这不仅不是罪恶，而且还是英勇行为。这就向聂赫留朵夫说明一种奇怪的现象，为什么一些天一性一温一良的人，原来非但不忍心伤害随便什么生物，而且不忍心看到它们受苦，现在却能若无其事地动手杀人。他们几乎个个都认为，在一定情况下，以杀人作为手段，来自卫和达到全民幸福这一崇高目标是合法的，正当的。他们认为他们的事业十分崇高，因此自视也很高，其实那是政一府很重视他们，对他们实行残酷惩罚的结果。是的，为了能承受他们所承受的苦难，他们非自视很高不可。
聂赫留朵夫同他们接近，对他们有了进一步的了解，深信他们并不象有些人所想的那样是十足的坏蛋，也不象另一些人所想的那样是十足的英雄，而是些普普通通的人，其中有好人，有坏人，也有不好不坏的人，同任何地方一样。有些人成为革命者，因为真心认为自己有责任同现存的恶*进行斗争。但有些人选择革命活动只是出于自私的虚荣心。不过多数人倾向革命，却是出于聂赫留朵夫在战争中熟悉的那种冒险和玩命的愿望，那是一般一精一力充沛的青年都具有的。他们比一般人优越的地方，在于他们的道德标准高于公认的道德标准。他们不仅要求清心寡欲、艰苦朴素、真诚老实、大公无私，而且能为共同事业随时牺牲一切，直至献出生命。就因为这个缘故，在这些人中间，凡是水平高的，往往大大超过一般水平，成为德行高超的典范；凡是水平低的，往往弄虚作假，装腔作势，同时又刚愎自用，高傲自大。因此聂赫留朵夫对有些新朋友不仅满怀敬意，而且衷心热一爱一，可是对有些新朋友则敬而远之。
